Developmental Sport Psychology Research Paper

Adopting a developmental approach means employing designs and methodology that capture the essence of age-related differences in cognitive, affective, or behavioral variables. Weiss and Bredemeier suggested three means by which developmental studies could be designed: (a) select ages of participants based on cognitive or physical developmental criteria; (b) compare age groups at key periods of development; and (c) follow individuals longitudinally on constructs of interest. One could also assess developmental level directly (e.g., cognitive age) and compare individuals who vary in developmental level on the target construct. Since the publication of Weiss and Bredemeier’s work (1983), several topics in sport psychology have been investigated using a developmental perspective. The topics focused upon here are observational learning, perceived competence, social influences, and moral development.

1. Observational Learning

Observational learning or modeling is a powerful means of transmitting information about attitudes, values, and behaviors. It is not surprising that visual demonstrations are salient for teaching motor skills and influencing psychological responses in youth sport. Because Bandura (1986) specified that attention, retention, production, and motivation processes must be considered for successful modeling, this area is susceptible to a developmental approach. Yando et al.’s (1978) developmental theory of modeling emphasized the observer’s cognitive-developmental level and motivational system in observational learning of physical and social skills. Cognitive-developmental level includes attention span, memory capacity, rehearsal skills, and physical abilities. Motivational system refers to the intrinsic and extrinsic motives guiding children’s attempts to reproduce observed behaviors, such as desire to develop and demonstrate competence, and social and tangible reinforcement. A synthesis of comprehensive reviews of children’s observational learning of motor and psychological skills follows (McCullagh and Weiss 2001).

1.1 Modeling And Motor Performance

Early research on children’s modeling of motor skills adopted a nondevelopmental approach, and focused upon topics such as temporal spacing of demonstrations and model characteristics. Research since the early 1980s employed designs where children were selected based on cognitive-developmental criteria, such as attention and rehearsal capabilities. Results show that a ‘show-and-tell model,’ one who imparts visual information while verbalizing the task to be completed, was especially helpful for younger children’s (8 years or less) successful imitation of motor skills, while older children equally benefited from a visual model or show-and-tell model. These differences were attributed to older children’s mature capability for selectively attending to salient task parts and spontaneously engaging in symbolic coding and verbal rehearsal strategies. Some researchers used kinematic analysis to show that children increasingly match performance form to that demonstrated by the model as a function of observations and practice, with more dramatic increases following trials in which verbal labels are attached to visual stimuli.

1.2 Psychological Effects Of Modeling

Peer models maximize similarity between the observer and model, and thus may especially motivate changes in children’s psychological responses to activities they perceive as frightening or difficult. Weiss et al. (1998) examined the effect of peer mastery and coping models with children (ages 5–8) who were fearful of swimming. Peer coping and mastery models produced better performance, higher self-efficacy, and lower fear than did control participants. Peer coping models had a stronger effect on self-efficacy than peer mastery models. Findings imply that using a peer model along with swim lessons is an effective means of instructing children who are fearful of the water.

Developmental differences in children’s use of social comparison are an important consideration in peer modeling of motor and psychological skills. Butler (1989) contends that younger children (less than 8 years) primarily use peers for observational learning, while older children use peers for evaluating one’s ability. It is conceivable that children in the Weiss et al. study primarily used peer models as sources of information for how to perform the skills. Older children who emphasize social comparison over observational learning may respond differently to peer models who demonstrate skills of which they are afraid or see as difficult.

2. Perceptions Of Physical Competence

Perceptions of competence refer to evaluation of one’s abilities in a particular achievement domain (e.g., athletics) or subdomain (e.g., swimming). Perceived physical competence is a strong correlate of cognitions (e.g., perceived control), affects (e.g., enjoyment), and motivated behaviors. Within Harter’s (1978) competence motivation theory, perceived competence is a developmental construct, in that level, accuracy, and sources of perceived competence undergo maturational change. Understanding such changes is important for explaining age-related variations in children’s thoughts, feelings, and actions in the physical domain (Weiss and Ferrer-Caja in press).

2.1 Level And Accuracy Of Perceived Competence

Research in the academic domain shows an age-related decline in level of perceived competence across middle and late childhood, along with a concomitant increase in the accuracy with which children judge their abilities. Trends in level of perceived physical competence have been mixed, with studies showing a decline, little change, or an increase. In contrast, accuracy of perceived physical competence shows a reliable increase with age. Developmental change in level and accuracy of perceived competence has been attributed to shifts in information sources used to judge one’s self-abilities, such as social (e.g., peer comparison), outcome (e.g., performance statistics), and internal (e.g., goal achievement) factors.

2.2 Sources Of Perceived Competence

Consistent age-related trends are found for sources of perceived physical competence. Younger children (under age 10) cite adult feedback, game outcome, and sport attraction more frequently than older children and adolescents (ages 10–15), who identify peer evaluation and comparison as more salient sources of judging physical ability. With internalization of a self-reward system and mastery goals, older teenagers (ages 16–18) cite self-referenced criteria as more important than do younger peers, including skill improvement, goal achievement, enjoyment of sport, and internal information (confidence, nervousness). Gender differences in sources of perceived physical competence do not emerge until adolescence (ages 14–18). Females cite social and internal sources as more important than do male cohorts, who prioritize competitive outcomes and speed ease of learning skills as physical competence sources.

3. Social Influences

Significant adults (parents, coaches) and peers (teammates, nonplaying friends) are central to children’s psychological development through sport participation. While parents are primarily responsible for socializing their children into sport at an early age, the child’s peer group increases in importance in later childhood and adolescence. Coaches occupy an important role in positively or negatively affecting children’s and adolescents’ sport experiences, and consequently decisions about whether to continue or drop out from athletic involvement. A rich literature exists on parents’ and coaches’ influence on youth involved in sport, with peer influence an unfolding area in recent years (Weiss and Ferrer-Caja in press).

3.1 Parents

Parents influence their children’s self-perceptions, emotions, and motivation in sport through expressed beliefs, values, expectancies, and behaviors. For example, parents’ reported enjoyment of physical activity and the degree to which they encourage their child to participate in sport are associated with children’s perceived physical competence and attraction toward physical activity. Several studies show that children’s perceptions of parents’ beliefs about their physical competence are associated with their own self-beliefs, affective responses, and physical activity levels. Still other studies have shown linkages between children’s perceptions of parents’ beliefs and behaviors with their achievement goal orientations, global self-esteem, and intrinsic motivation.

3.2 Coaches

Several studies implicate the significance of coaches to psychosocial development of children and adolescents. Smith and Smoll (1996) showed that baseball coaches who emphasized praise after successes, encouragement and instruction following errors, and refrained from punishing remarks, were associated with young athletes with more positive profiles. Their athletes reported higher baseball ability, global self-esteem, team cohesion, and enjoyment, as well as lower performance anxiety and dropout rates. These results held regardless of win–loss records.

Coaches’ feedback and reinforcement patterns strongly influence adolescent athletes’ perceived competence, enjoyment, and motivation. While most results point to a positive relationship between frequency of praise and self-perceptions, emotions, and motivation, Horn (1985) found that greater praise was associated with lower perceived competence and greater criticism with higher perceived competence in adolescent softball players. Horn’s analysis showed that coaches’ praise was not given contingent to the level of skill demonstrated but rather in a more general way. In contrast, criticism was given in response to specific skill errors, and followed by information on how to improve on subsequent efforts. To bolster this explanation, Horn found that lower skilled players received more praise, while talented players received more criticism and instruction for their efforts. Thus the quality rather than the quantity of praise, instruction, and criticism is a crucial consideration for understanding adult influence on young athletes’ psychological development through sport.

3.3 Peers

Sources of physical competence information revealed peer comparison and evaluation to be especially important from later childhood to middle adolescence. Both peer acceptance (being liked by one’s classmates or teammates) and close friendship (one-on-one relationship denoted by supportive qualities) are strongly linked to self-beliefs, emotions, motivation, and physical activity behavior during these developmental periods (Weiss and Ferrer-Caja in press). Even as early as middle childhood, children identify being good at sports as an important quality for being popular with one’s peers, especially among boys.

Greater attention has been directed toward the developmental importance of children’s close sport friendships. Weiss et al. (1996) interviewed children 8 to16 years of age, and uncovered several positive and few negative dimensions of close sport friendships. Younger children (ages 8–12) identified prosocial behavior and physical characteristics as attractive friendship qualities more often than older youth (ages 13–16), who spent more time talking about intimate self-disclosure and positive personality characteristics. Other research has shown that younger children cite companionship and pleasant play more frequently, while older youth rate loyalty, intimacy, similar beliefs and values, and conflict as reflective of sport friendships. Females rated self-esteem enhancement and supportiveness, similar beliefs and values, and loyalty and intimacy higher than males, who rated conflict as occurring more frequently. Close sport friendships and specific friendship qualities (esteem enhancement, companionship) are associated with higher physical self-worth, positive affect, intrinsic motivation, commitment toward sport participation, and physical activity levels.

4. Moral Development

Although we are acquainted with the adage ‘sport builds character,’ popular media provide more convincing evidence of a negative association between sport participation and ethical behaviors. Widely accepted moral development theories are developmental in nature (e.g., Piaget, Kohlberg), suggesting that individuals proceed through stages of moral reasoning that reflect egocentric, societal, and principled levels (Shields and Bredemeier 1995). Moral reasoning and behaviors should be ultimately linked. Social learning theories suggest that significant others, in particular, exert a strong influence on young athletes’ beliefs and behaviors concerning legitimate sport behavior. Structural-developmental theories, in contrast, emphasize the interaction between individual differences in moral reasoning level and the social context in which moral judgments and behaviors are enacted.

4.1 Social Approval And Aggression In Sport

Significant adults and peers model and reinforce beliefs and behaviors that impact upon young athletes’ beliefs about the fairness of, and actual use of, aggressive game tactics. For example, adolescent players who selected more violent professional role models received more penalty minutes during games than did those who chose less violent models. Ice hockey players’ perceptions of significant others’ attitudes toward illegal violence indicated greater disapproval toward fist-fighting for younger athletes (ages 12–15 years), but approval ratings dramatically shifted for 16–21 year old players. For all age groups, rankings were consistent for significant others’ approval of violence: teammates, spectators, self, coach, father, and mother.

Interviews have tapped athletes’ perceptions of significant others’ approval of legal and illegal violence. Nonplaying peers were viewed as exalting legal and illegal violence during hockey play, with teammates favorable to a lesser degree. Athletes perceived that coaches and fathers approved of legal but hard body-checking, but disapproved of violence prone to penalties. The relation between perceptions of social approval for unsportsmanlike play and moral beliefs and behaviors were examined among fourth–fifth and seventh–eighth grade basketball players. For the younger group, approval of antisocial behaviors by parents, coach, and teammates was associated with lower moral judgment and intention. For older players, perceived approval of unsportsmanlike behaviors by teammates, coach, and parents was associated with lower moral judgment and intent, as well as lower moral reasoning and prosocial behaviors. Mothers for younger players and teammates for older players emerged as the strongest influences on moral variables, lending support for developmental differences in sources of greatest influence.

4.2 Moral Reasoning And Aggression Tendencies

Shields and Bredemeier (1995) established a line of research on moral reasoning and aggression in sport. First, college athletes score lower on daily life and sport moral reasoning than nonathletes. Second, youth (age 12 and older), high school, and college sport participants reason at lower levels for sport than for daily life moral dilemmas. Third, divergence between daily life and sport moral reasoning scores emerge at age 12 and widen as age competitive level increase. Finally, lower moral reasoning about sport dilemmas is associated with greater legitimacy of and tendencies toward aggressive play. This latter relationship especially holds for male participants at all levels. Shields and Bredemeier coined the term game reasoning to explain the findings of divergence in reasoning about daily life and sport moral dilemmas, athlete–nonathlete moral reasoning differences, and correlations between moral reasoning and legitimacy and expression of aggression. Game reasoning reflects one’s viewpoint of sport as set apart emotionally from the broader morality of everyday life, and involves a moral transformation during athletic contests in which an egocentric perspective is considered to be legitimate in the pursuit of winning.

5. Summary And Future Research Directions

Since Weiss and Bredemeier’s (1983) paper on the need to adopt a developmental theoretical perspective for studying children in sport, several lines of research were identified. These included observational learning, perceived competence, social influences, and moral development. Still, there is a long way to go. A recent content analysis showed that about 20 percent of more than 600 studies and reviews conducted in 1982–97 on youth sport psychology used a developmental approach. Despite the explosion of studies on children in sport, generally, and the doubled amount of developmental studies, theoretical approaches have still been largely nondevelopmental in nature.

The established lines of research reported here, as well as others, could serve as templates for researchers and educators in the field. Hopefully such efforts will inspire others to follow suit with a series of interrelated investigations that consider developmental factors in psychosocial phenomena, ones that include both between age-group as well as within age-group differences.

If we go back to Baltes et al.’s (1977) definition of a developmental theoretical perspective, the term ‘lifespan’ was used. While the term ‘developmental’ has typically referred to infancy through adolescence, the more contemporary view is to consider a lifespan developmental perspective. Research on middle and older adult psychological development through physical activity pales in comparison to youth sport research, and scholars are encouraged to broaden the age groups of their investigations to truly understand ‘developmental’ sport and exercise psychology.

Bibliography:

1. Baltes P B, Reese H W, Nesselroade J R 1977 Life-span Developmental Psychology: Introduction to Research Methods. Brooks Cole, Monterey, CA
2. Bandura A 1986 Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social Cognitive Theory. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ
3. Butler R 1989 Mastery versus ability appraisal: A developmental study of children’s observations of peers’ work. Child Development 60: 1350–61
4. Harter S 1978 Effectance motivation reconsidered. Human Development 21: 34–64
5. Horn T S 1985 Coaches’ feedback and changes in children’s perceptions of their physical competence. Journal of Educational Psychology 77: 174–86
6. McCullagh P, Weiss M R 2001 Modeling: Considerations for motor skill performance and psychological responses. In: Singer R N, Hausenblas H A, Janelle C M (eds.) Handbook of Research on Sport Psychology. Wiley, New York
7. Shields D L, Bredemeier B J 1995 Character Development and Physical Activity. Human Kinetics, Champaign, IL
8. Smith R E, Smoll F L 1996 The coach as a focus of research and intervention in youth sports. In: Smoll F L, Smith R E (eds.) Children and Youth in Sport: A Biopsychosocial Perspective. Brown and Benchmark, Madison, WI, pp. 125–41
9. Weiss M R, Bredemeier B J 1983 Developmental sport psychology: A theoretical perspective for studying children in sport. Journal of Sport Psychology 5: 216–30
10. Weiss M R Ferrer-Caja E in press Motivational orientations and sport behavior. In: Horn T S (ed.) Advances in Sport Psychology, 2nd edn. Human Kinetics, Champaign, IL
11. Weiss M R, McCullagh P, Smith A L, Berlant A R 1998 Observational learning and the fearful child: Influence of peer models on swimming skill performance and psychological responses. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport 69: 380–94
12. Weiss M R, Smith A L, Theeboom M 1996 ‘That’s what friends are for’: Children’s and teenagers’ perceptions of peer relation-ships in the sport domain. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology 18: 347–79
13. Yando R, Seitz V, Zigler E 1978 Imitation: A Developmental Perspective. Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ