Gender-Related Development Research Paper

1. Overview Of Gender Development

In recent years, gender has come to be viewed as a multidimensional construct that covers many domains including biological sex, activities and interests, personal–social attributes, gender-based social relationships, gender-based styles and symbols (such as gestures, style of dress), and gender-related values (see Ruble and Martin 1998, Huston 1983). Each domain can be examined in terms of an individual’s concepts, self-perceptions, preferences, and behaviors. In the past, there was an implicit assumption that a person who was gender typed in one domain also was gender typed in other domains. The multidimensional view of gender has been useful in questioning this assumption and replacing it with the challenge to researchers that interrelations among domains need to be assessed. Also, this view has the advantage of making clear the distinctions among the different domains.

Certain aspects of gender development have been investigated more than others, including gender roles, self-perceptions of gender, gender identity, and gender-related behaviors. Gender roles have been a popular topic of study, within both psychology and sociology. Gender role is a broad term referring to the behaviors, attitudes, and traits that are associated with being male or female. Many studies have been done to identify the roles that men and women fulfill in western cultures as well as in other countries and in our history. Gender stereotypes, which are culturally defined expectations about the sexes in terms of personality, appearance, occupations, abilities, and interests, have been a very central subject for social psychologists. Also, psychologists have been involved in studying self-perceptions of gender, especially individual’s perceptions of masculinity and femininity. Gender identity, the sense of oneself as being a male or female, has been studied by clinical and developmental psychologists, whereas a typical gender identity has been investigated largely by medical researchers. Gender-related behaviors and characteristics have been the subject of numerous studies, including how children develop skills and social behaviors such as their relationship preferences.

2. Age Trends In Gender Development

2.1 Gender Identity

Gender identity is the sense of oneself as a male or female. Gender identity involves more than the anatomical–it involves the inner knowledge and outer expression of one’s sex. The dominant view has been that gender identity resides within the individual, although more recent views challenge this assumption by arguing that gender identity is created in the context of interactions, societal structures, and cultural expectations (Deaux and LaFrance 1998). Research on gender identity has also focused on the consequences of developing gender identity that is consistent with or different from one’s genetic sex.

The predominant view has been that for typical children, the process of developing a sense of oneself as a girl or boy undergoes three stages. First, at about the age of 2–3 years, children learn to label themselves and others by sex. Second, 3–4-year-old children come to understand the stability of gender over time. Third, by the age of 4–5 years, children recognize that one’s sex is a constant aspect of oneself that is not variable over situations (Slaby and Frey 1975). As children’s sense of gender identity develops, they often show increased attention to people of the same sex, and are motivated to be like members of their own sex (Kohlberg 1966).

A very small group of children, about 2–5 percent of the population, develop a sense of gender identity that does not match their biological gender. These children, labeled as having gender identity disorder, express discomfort with their own sex, wish to be the other sex, and engage in behavior typical of the other sex (Zucker and Bradley 1995). The development of gender identity disorder may be related to biological factors, such as hormones and temperament, in addition to environmental factors, such as parental encouragement of cross-gender play.

An even smaller group of children are born with ambiguous genitalia or genitalia that do not match their genetic sex. These children may be assigned a sex that differs from their genetic endowment or may not be assigned a sex until later. Gender assignment, and also gender identity, become very complicated issues for these children. Although early research suggested that children who were assigned sex at an early age would develop according to their assignment regardless of their biological sex, more recent research has challenged this view. In some reports, both biological and social factors play a role in developing gender identity, whereas in others, only biological sex or only gender assignment is central in developing gender identity. Controversy continues over how to best support these children in developing their gender identities (see Ruble and Martin 1998).

2.2 Gender Differences In Interests, Behaviors, And Well-Being

As early as 2 years of age, children begin to show sex-differentiated activities and interests (Ruble and Martin 1998). In the preschool years, children’s preferences for stereotypic play become even more apparent. Girls and boys prefer different toys and prefer to play in different areas. The tendency to play with stereotypic toys increases during early childhood. Both girls and boys show preferences for stereotypic activities, although boys seem to avoid other-sex activities more than girls.

Sex differences in activities persist into middle childhood and adolescence although the similarities in behavior are more striking than differences. Boys are more involved in sports, outdoor chores, and leisure activities; girls are more involved in indoor chores, shopping, and socializing. Through adolescence, girls spend increasing amounts of time in interpersonal activities, personal care, and household chores and less time in sports whereas boys’ interest in sports remains stable or may increase.

Males are more active than females with the differences being more pronounced in older than in younger children. Girls and boys differ in many motor tasks, with boys outperforming girls in throwing and girls outperforming boys in tasks involving flexibility and fine-motor skills. These differences increase with age, possibly owing to differential participation of girls and boys in sports after puberty, although biological factors may also play a role in differences (see Ruble and Martin 1998).

Moderate and consistent sex differences are found in the area of physical aggression, with boys showing more aggression than girls. The exception to this is relational aggression—using behaviors to damage friendships—which girls engage in more than boys. Sex differences in aggression are larger in children than in adults, although men commit many more violent crimes than women.

The sexes differ to only a small degree in prosocial behavior and differences vary depending on the kind of behavior being assessed. Generally, girls help other people more than boys (Eisenberg and Fabes 1998). Females also are more accurate in decoding emotions from visual cues and they are more expressive and responsive than males.

Many varied indicators of well-being suggest that boys experience higher levels of well-being than girls. Beginning in adolescence, females are more likely to be clinically depressed or have depressive symptoms than males. Although the differences are small, boys report higher levels of self-esteem than girls and several studies suggest that girls experience a drop in self-esteem after the age of 9 years as compared with no change for boys. Girls have many more appearance and weight concerns than boys and these concerns increase during adolescence (see Ruble and Martin 1998). Girls’ concern with their appearance may relate to their self-esteem and to eating disorders and disturbances.

2.3 Gendered Social Relationships

One of the most pervasive and consistent differences between the sexes is their choice of play partners (Maccoby 1990). Girls and boys are often found playing with members of their own sex. The phenomenon of sex segregation appears to be virtually universal across cultures. Sex segregation varies in differing situations, however. Children’s tendency to interact with same-sex children is common in situations in which children have choices about playmates, such as in school, and in unstructured situations, and is less common when fewer choices are available, such as playing in their neighborhoods, or when children are in structured situations in which they need to cooperate.

Sex segregation begins very early in life. Girls tend to segregate before boys, usually starting between 2 and 3 years of age. Boys who are more socially disruptive and girls who are more socially sensitive segregate earlier than other children (Moller and Serbin 1996). Sex segregation increases as children grow older. Sex segregation continues until middle adolescence when children begin to form heterosexual dating couples. Children’s friendship patterns mimic their play partners in that most often, children’s friends are of the same sex as themselves.

The kinds of play typical of girls’ groups and boys’ groups are different. Boys tend to play more actively, encompass more space, and they often play outdoors. Girls tend to play indoors, more quietly, and use less space. Girls are more likely to encourage cooperation and interaction among play partners; boys are more often interested in issues of dominance and competition. From their experiences with same-sex partners, girls and boys learn different methods of interacting with others and may be considered to be socialized in ‘different cultures’ (Maccoby 1990).

The origins of sex segregation are unclear. One contributing factor to sex segregation is similar interests. Children tend to play with same-sex children regardless of activity, so similarity in interests is not the only explanation for sex segregation. Compatibility in play styles is also important. Children show higher levels of social interaction when playing with their own sex, which suggests that same-sex play is more entertaining than other-sex play. Activity level may also be a factor. Boys tend to play actively and that may be compelling to other boys but not to girls. Finally, children’s expectations about the sexes also likely contribute to sex segregation (Ruble and Martin 1998).

The developmental course of social relationships in later adolescence and adulthood, especially the development of sexual orientation, has been difficult to chart. Although both sexes show very strong propensities to select other-sex romantic partners, about 5 percent of the population selects same-sex partners. The origins and developmental pathways of sexual orientation have been hotly debated. The central issues appear to be the extent to which sexual orientation is influenced by biological factors, such as genes, hormones, and brain structures, or by social factors, such as one’s upbringing.

2.4 Gender Differences In Cognitive Skills

Many studies have been conducted to examine whether the sexes differ in cognitive abilities. In many areas, no sex differences are found, e.g., in overall intelligence or in analytic reasoning (Halpern 1992). When the sexes differ in a cognitive ability, the differences tend to be fairly small and hence are unlikely to account for differences in career choices or trajectories. Nonetheless, the topic of sex differences in cognitive abilities remains controversial.

Most of the research on sex differences in cognitive abilities has focused on three areas—mathematical, spatial, and verbal abilities. In the domain of mathematical abilities, the patterns of similarities and differences vary depending on many factors including the particular skill being assessed, the age and skill level of the sample, and assessment procedures. Differences tend to be larger and favor males when studies are conducted on the most mathematically skilled children and when using certain standardized tests, such as the SAT. Also, sex differences vary for different skills, with girls receiving higher grades than boys in mathematics courses, and a small difference in favor of girls for computational skills in elementary school. Males show better performance in problem-solving tasks beginning in junior high or high school. Some evidence suggests that sex differences in mathematical abilities are lessening over time.

The sexes differ in some aspects of spatial abilities but the size of the difference depends on the particular ability being assessed and the age of the participants. Few differences are found between young girls and boys. Most sex differences begin to appear in adolescence and differences increase with age. A moderatesize difference favoring adolescent and adult males is found in tasks involving mental rotation, which involves the rapid manipulation of three-dimensional objects. A moderate to small difference favoring males occurs in tasks involving recognition of the horizontal or vertical. A small difference (or no difference) is found when assessing performance on spatial visualization tasks, which involves finding hidden spatial figures (Halpern 1992).

Very small sex differences are found in verbal tasks, with females outperforming males. The differences are found most often in the areas of spelling and language and tend to be stable across age. Verbal differences may be lessening over time although not all researchers concur with this conclusion.

In a large-scale assessment of adolescents’ academic abilities, researchers have found that males outperformed females in tests of science, mathematics, social studies, and vocational aptitude (mechanical reasoning and electronics), whereas females outperformed males in reading comprehension, perceptual speed, associative memory, and writing (see Ruble and Martin 1998).

2.5 Gender Stereotypes

Gender stereotypes are the beliefs that people have about the characteristics of males and females. The content of stereotypes varies over cultures and over time. These expectations are often related to the roles that the sexes fulfill in the culture.

Children learn some aspects of stereotypes at a very young age. By the age of 21/2-3-years, children show evidence of having some rudimentary knowledge of the activities and objects associated with each sex. Children’s gender stereotypes of activities and occupations develop quickly during the preschool years, reaching a very high level by kindergarten. During the elementary school years, gender stereotypes broaden to include sports, school subjects, and personality traits. With age, children become increasingly knowledgeable about gender stereotypes and yet the rigidity of their stereotypes declines as they increasingly recognize the cultural relativity of these norms (Huston 1983). Some evidence suggests that boys hold more rigid gender stereotypes than girls and are held to more rigid ideals than girls. In adolescence, flexibility in stereotypes fluctuates in response to two opposing forces—increasing cognitive flexibility tends to increase adolescents’ flexibility in applying stereotypes whereas increasing pressure to conform to stereotypes in preparation for sexual roles and adult status increases adherence to stereotypes (Ruble and Martin 1998).

Children use gender stereotypes to make inferences about others at a young age. When making judgments of other people, children and adults will apply their gender stereotypic expectations to them. Even more than adults, children will rely on a person’s sex to make judgments and they are less likely to consider other relevant information about the person than adults are (see Ruble and Martin 1998).

3. Theories Of Gender Development

3.1 Psychoanalytic Theory

The earliest and most influential theory of gender development was proposed by Sigmund Freud in the 1930s. Freud contended that boys and girls acquire gender identity by learning to negotiate desires for the opposite sex parent and by eventually identifying with the same-sex parent. Although little empirical support has been found for his theoretical framework, his ideas have been very influential in encouraging research on gender development. Over the years, additions and amendments have been made to Freud’s original psychoanalytic theory. Many of these changes take into consideration the role of societal influences and include a feminist perspective.

3.2 Social Learning Theory

Social learning theorists (Bandura 1977, Mischel 1966) propose that gender development is accounted for by social factors. Girls and boys learn different roles through the effect of direct reinforcement, differential socialization, and imitation of models.

Direct reinforcement, which refers to the reaction children receive in response to their behavior, leads to children learning to discriminate between the behaviors typical of boys and girls. Children learn that there are different consequences for engaging in behaviors depending upon whether one is a girl or a boy. Behaviors considered to be stereotypic for their sex are more likely to be rewarded. Children perform activities that are consistent with their reinforcement histories (Mischel 1966).

Children also experience differential socialization of girls into feminine roles and boys into masculine roles as they are exposed to distinct environments in which gender differences are encouraged by socializing agents, such as parents, teachers, peers, and media. Parents fill boys’ rooms with educational, interactive toys that promote exploration, whereas they fill girls’ rooms with toys that promote nurturance and domesticity, such as doll houses and tea sets. Teachers respond differently to boys and girls: boys are more often called on to answer questions when their hands are raised than girls. Differential treatment by social agents provides boys and girls with separate sets of rules, expectations, and opportunities which, in turn, encourages traditional gender development.

Children also learn gender roles through observing others. Social learning theorists contend that individuals learn and reproduce the actions and responses of the models they encounter in their families, schools, and neighborhoods, and in books, television, and films. Gender-typed behavior develops as girls imitate the behavior of females and boys imitate the behavior of males. Children’s imitation also is affected by their relationships with the model, in addition to the amount of power they perceive the model to possess (Mischel 1966, Bussey and Bandura 1984). Witnessing people’s reactions to others as they display a behavior transmits information about the appropriateness of the behavior (Mischel 1966).

3.3 Cognitive Social Learning Theory

In the late 1970s and 1980s, social learning theory was adapted to emphasize the cognitive aspects involved in learning from the social environment (Bandura 1986). In ‘cognitive social learning theory,’ emphasis was placed on the processes involved in creating expectancies of other’s behaviors and how these expectancies guide one’s own actions. Specifically, it was proposed that observational learning required four processes: paying attention, being motivated to enact the behavior, having the ability to reproduce the action, and having the ability to remember the behavior (Bandura 1986).

Social learning approaches have encouraged an expanded view of the forces that influence gender development. This theory has motivated researchers to include a more diverse view of the child’s social environment. In addition, it has led to closer scrutiny of the social settings provided for children and the gender-laden messages these settings contain.

3.4 Cognitive Developmental Theory

According to Kohlberg’s cognitive developmental theory, children’s cognitive organization of the world around them is the basis for their gender development (Kohlberg 1966). Kohlberg proposed that between the ages of 2 and 7 years, children make cognitive judgments about their gender identity (whether they are a boy or a girl) and then come to understand that gender is constant over time and situation. This understanding about gender becomes the foundation for further gender development. A child’s recognition of being a male or female determines the value they place on masculine and feminine traits, initiates a child’s desire to be similar to same-sex children, facilitates the development of gender stereotypes, and encourages children to hold positive views of their own sex (Kohlberg 1966).

A debate has ensued over whether Kohlberg’s theory requires the acquisition of gender constancy as a necessary antecedent to learning stereotypes and attending to same-sex models (Ruble and Martin 1998). Empirical studies suggest that children have only a basic knowledge about gender before the onset of the gender-typing process, and that stereotyping can begin once children are able to label the sexes correctly. Gender constancy may help consolidate gender development, rather than initiating it (Ruble and Martin 1998). Cognitive developmental theory emphasizes the child’s active role in gender development. Kohlberg’s theory has been enormously influential in shaping the way researchers think about gender development.

3.5 Gender Schema Theory

Gender schema theory is a cognitively based theory that uses an information processing approach to explain how gender development occurs. The basis of this model is the cognitive representation called a schema. A schema is an organizing structure that helps simplify and categorize new information.

There are two types of gender-related schemas (Martin and Halverson 1981). The first is a general ‘superordinate’ schema that helps children categorize objects, characteristics, and traits into basic male and female categories. The second is a more narrow version of schema, called the ‘own-sex’ schema, that children use to identify and learn in-depth information consistent with their own sex. These two schema types allow children to process information about events, objects, attitudes, behaviors, and roles and, in turn, categorize these aspects in terms of masculine or feminine, or as similar or different from the child (Martin and Halverson 1981).

Gender schema theorists (Bem 1981, Martin and Halverson 1981) proposed that gender schemas are developed and applied by children at an early age. In addition, it was proposed that the presence and use of gender schemas can explain the ways in which children and adults attend to, acquire, and remember information; how they behave; and the kinds of attitudes they develop (Martin and Halverson 1981). Gender schemas affect which kinds of information are noticed, encoded, and remembered, with information inconsistent with the existing schema being overlooked and consistent information being processed (Signorella et al. 1997). Research also shows that gender schemas can guide children’s preferences, toy choices, and play partner choices.

Because schemas are used to interpret and categorize information, however, they can result in the drawing of incorrect inferences. Distortion of information has also been found to be a consequence of gender schematic processing. Altering information that does not fit into a currently held schema or placing neutral information into a gender schema leads to remembering information in a gender-consistent manner, which may not match with how it exists in reality. These processes illustrate how gender schemas can be easily maintained and how resistant they are to change.

Gender schema theory emphasizes the child as an active processor of information and that the gender schemas that guide thinking also influence children’s behavior. The major strength of gender schema theory is in the understanding it provides about the maintenance and power of gender beliefs.

3.6 Biological Approaches

Much of the research using a biological approach has focused on understanding differences between the sexes. These approaches often consider, for instance, the influence of hormones and brain structure and function on sex differences.

Sex differentiation begins with the presence of an X or Y sex chromosome in the twenty-third pair of chromosomes. These sex chromosomes carry the genetic information that determines the development of fetal sex organs. The amount of a specific androgen, called testosterone, which is present in both male and female fetuses, determines further development of sex organs. Increased levels of this hormone lead to the formation of the penis and scrotum in males. Female sexual organ development continues in the absence of increased testosterone levels. Variations in the levels of hormones in these critical periods of development can lead to the formation of sex organs opposite to what would be expected from the sex chromosomes.

Hormones also influence the development of the central nervous system and the brain (Hoyenga and Hoyenga 1993). Hormones are most likely to affect brain development and behavior during two stages of life: during prenatal development and during puberty. Exposure to abnormal levels of hormones (due to genetic disorders or hormonal treatment during pregnancy) allows researchers to study the link between levels of hormones present during developmental processes and behaviors exhibited by individuals postnatally (Hoyenga and Hoyenga 1993). Studies of hormones, their effect on brain development, and the link to behavior suggest that they have an influence on gender development, although it is difficult to disentangle biological effects of hormones from social factors.

The structure and function of the brain have also been studied to compare the similarities and differences in males and females. One area of brain structure that has been studied is brain lateralization, or how much one hemisphere of the brain is responsible for carrying out specific functions. Some studies have shown that women are less lateralized in that they use both hemispheres simultaneously more often than men. It has been hypothesized that differences between men and women in a variety of abilities and behaviors could be due to a gender difference in lateralization. The findings of such studies show mixed support.

Another section of the brain that has been studied as a possible source of gender differences is the corpus callosum (CC). The CC is a group of fibers that connects the right and left hemispheres of the brain and is thought to be related to more intricate processes of thought, including language. Because the links between the structure, function, and size of the CC are not certain, research on differences in brain structure remains difficult to interpret. However, studies have shown that women have a larger CC than do men, and that enlargement of certain parts of the CC is linked to increased language skills.

Controversy surrounds the study of biological information on gender differences, especially concerning the extent of influence of biological and social factors. Most researchers of gender development accept an interactionist position, assuming that both nature and nurture are working together to produce human behavior. Furthermore, neither nature nor nurture should be viewed as steadfast or unmalleable (Hoyenga and Hoyenga 1993).

3.7 Evolutionary Perspectives

The evolutionary perspective draws on Darwinian principles of evolution and natural selection to explain how gender differences evolve. Individuals who are fertile, live long enough to reproduce, and are able to raise their offspring will successfully pass on their characteristics to the next generation. Therefore characteristics of individuals who were successful in passing on their genes are more highly represented in future generations. According to the evolutionary viewpoint, gender differences arise because men and women play different reproductive roles (Trivers 1972).

Gender differences are hypothesized to develop because of differing parental investment levels. Evolutionary theorists contend that, because women are responsible for carrying the child during pregnancy and for producing food for the infant, their levels of parental investment are higher than men’s. In contrast, men’s reproductive role is limited to producing and investing their sperm. Thus, sexual selection differs for men and women. Because of a woman’s increased investment level, she is more selective in her mates and searches for someone with access to resources. In contrast, men look for a woman who will care for the child, so that the child will eventually be fit to reproduce and pass on the family genes. However, because men never know if the child is actually carrying their genes, they are focused on mating more often and with shorter-term investments. Individuals who are most successful at their reproductive role are more likely to have their genes perpetuated, leading to a further divergence in men’s and women’s behaviors.

Evolutionary theoretical viewpoints have stirred much controversy, and empirical support for the theory’s components is mixed. Critiques include the lack of ability to test the theory directly and the heavy dependence on animal studies.

4. Future Directions

The field of gender development moves quickly, making the prediction of future trends difficult. Nonetheless, some topics have garnered attention because they are important issues that have yet to be addressed. First, questions about the relation of mental health and domains of gender are worthy of additional research efforts. Why does the self-esteem of preadolescent girls drop more than that of boys? Second, research that focuses more attention on affective issues is needed to provide answers to questions about the role of self-regulation in gender development. Little is known about the affective and cognitive components that are involved in how people construct a view of their own gender and how others interpret gender identity. Third, many issues about how children are raised and about the contributions that parents, peers, and teachers can and do make to gender development are worthy of future research efforts. Finally, additional studies using multidimensional aspects of gender are important for understanding the complexities of gender development. For instance, multidimensional studies are necessary to understand how a traditional vs. nontraditional view of one’s gender identity relates to a variety of outcomes such as internal psychological states, relationships, and achievement in school and careers. The picture of gender development continues to emerge but is far from complete.

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