Anthropology of Magic Research Paper

1. The Evolutionists: Magic as a Pseudo-Science

The nineteenth century was the time when anthropology became a recognized academic discipline. It was also the time when the numerous achievements of natural science had captured people’s imagination, something partly responsible for the claim that Western societies represented the pinnacle of human endeavor. Faith in both natural science and Western cultural superiority were to bear heavily on the way in which magic was understood by nineteenth-century anthropologists.

For Tylor (1874) the paradigmatic figure of Victorian anthropology, magic was ‘one of the most pernicious delusions that ever vexed mankind’; it was also a fundamental characteristic of ‘the lowest known stages of civilization.’ These claims encapsulate two basic assumptions with which Tylor and his contemporaries were working. First is that natives used magic to achieve certain practical results—control of the natural elements, for example, or restoration of a person’s health; second, that all societies follow an evolutionary path with fixed stages of development that represent higher degrees of social and cultural complexity.

On the basis of these assumptions, magic emerged in nineteenth-century anthropology as the negative side of science. Indeed, for Tylor and his contemporaries, it was nothing more than a ‘pseudo-science,’ a system of thought and practice that attempted to effect changes in the empirical world but was unable to do so. Not that magic as a system of thought was the product of minds radically different from those that invented science. Tylor was clearly against such racist charges. The human mind, he argued, operates everywhere and at all times with the same principles of thought—by associating ideas on the basis of analogy and cause and effect. Yet, despite this fundamental sameness— this ‘psychic unity of mankind,’ as Tylor would have it—there was still ample room for errors. ‘Primitive’ people, being at the lowest stage of intellectual development, a stage characterized by simplicity and innocence, were particularly prone to making errors, magic being a paradigmatic example.

To use Tylor’s well-known expression, ‘primitive’ people mistake ideal for a real connections, that is, they treat events that are only accidentally related as if they cause one another. For example, there is nothing in reality that connects the crowing rooster with the rising sun, but because the two events occur regularly and sequentially, ‘primitive’ people assume that the former causes the latter. Magic is the practical application of such misconceptions: the rooster is made to crow so that the sun will rise.

The work of Tylor on magic was further elaborated by Sir James Frazer. To begin with, Frazer (1922 1950) made a distinction between ‘sympathetic’ and ‘contagious’ magic. The former was the result of associating ideas on the basis of similarity, the latter on the basis of proximity in space or time. Frazer also took Tylor’s evolutionism to its logical extreme. As Tambiah (1990) points out, he arranged ‘magic, religion and science in an evolutionary lineal scheme, with the unsupportable suggestion that magic preceded religion in time, and with the inescapable inference … that science must inevitably dissolve religion in our time.’

2. Twentieth-century Paradigms

2.1 Magic as a Source of Hope and Optimism

By his own admission, Branislaw Malinowski was drawn to anthropology after having read Frazer’s work. Yet even though inspired by Frazer, Malinowski was already beginning to question the wisdom of Victorian evolutionism. Moreover, having spent the years of World War I on the Trobriand Islands of the south west Pacific, he developed a difference sense of the place of magic in native life. Indeed, one of Malinowski’s aims was to show that belief in magic was not equivalent to irrationalism and mysticism. This marks a fundamental shift in Western perceptions of magic and native life in general and constitutes the basis for all subsequent anthropological studies of magico-religious systems. In more general terms, it marks a shift, at this point still quite subtle, toward a less ethnocentric view of the non-Western world.

In his extended essay Magic, Science and Religion, Malinowski (1928 1954) sets out to show that much of what has been written about magic was speculative and had little basis in reality. To this effect, he engages both Tylor and the French philosopher-turnedanthropologist Levy-Bruhl. The former, Malinowski argues, depicts natives as highly contemplative and rational, much like intellectuals; the latter as being ‘hopelessly and completely immersed in a mystical frame of mind’ (1928 1954). Malinowski found the natives of the Trobriand Islands to be practical people concerned with such matters as fishing, gardening, building canoes, and tribal festivities. This is not to say that they did not also practice magic; but they did so only when their stock of practical knowledge and experience ran out.

In a celebrated example, Malinowski shows that when fishing in the lagoon, natives do not resort to magical rites; they rely instead on their knowledge and skill. In open-sea fishing, however, which is ‘full of danger and uncertainty, there is an extensive magical ritual to secure safety and good results’ (1928 1954).

This and other similar examples, Malinowski argues, show that natives turn to magic only in situations of emotional stress. As such, magic fulfills an important psychological function; it ritualizes optimism and enhances human confidence and hope.

2.2 Evans-Pritchard: The Transition to Symbolism

Even though highly suspicious of evolutionism, Malinowski was never able to transcend the other tenet of Victorian anthropology, namely, that the primary aim of magic was the attainment of practical results. Nor by extension was he able to go beyond the notion that, ultimately, magic was a pseudo-science. The shift from this utilitarian perception to one that views magic as a meaningful and meaning-generating phenomenon came with Evans-Pritchard (1937 1976) in his classic study of Zande witchcraft. EvansPritchard was working within the broad sociological problematic developed by Emile Durkheim, which emphasized social stability and treated religion as social institution that contributed to it. In his study of Zande witchcraft, Evans-Pritchard extended the argument to include magical beliefs and practices. At the same time, Evans-Pritchard continued the debate with Levy-Bruhl that Malinowski began. It is in this confrontation with the French philosopher that he lays the ground for the paradigm that was to dominate subsequent anthropological studies of magicoreligious systems and is variously known as the symbolic, interpretive, or cultural approach.

Evans-Pritchard, then, analyzes Zande witchcraft along two axes. The first explores how witchcraft contributes to the cohesion of Zande society—its social function. The other examines when and why the Zande have recourse to it—its cultural function. Witchcraft, Evans-Pritchard points out, embraces a system of values that regulate Zande behavior. No one knows for certain who might be a witch, but spiteful, moody, ill-tempered, bad-mannered, or greedy individuals are prime suspects. Belief in witchcraft acts in a way that encourages more positive dispositions and hence curbs anti-social behavior. To begin with, if the Zande suspect that their neighbors are witches, they are careful not to offend them from fear of being bewitched. Those Zande who are spiteful or jealous, on the other hand, will try to curb their spitefulness. Those of whom they are spiteful may themselves be witches and seek to injure them in return for their spitefulness. In this way, Evans-Pritchard argues, friction and conflict and kept in check and the cohesion of Zande society maintained.

Yet social stability is hardly what the Zande have in mind when they turn to witchcraft. Their purpose, according to Evans-Pritchard, is to explain misfortune, to make events such as the accidental injury of a relative, sickness, even death itself socially meaningful and relevant. Explanations of misfortune through witchcraft set in motion checks and balances that reproduce social cohesion, but this is only the byproduct of a system whose rationale lies elsewhere. Witchcraft is first and foremost an idiom (or a symbol, as we would say today), the language that the Zande use to speak about misfortune so that misfortune is brought into the social domain and can be socially dealt with. Evans-Pritchard does not attempt to explain why the Zande feel the need to turn misfortune into a social issue. He is concerned primarily with explaining that witchcraft, which effects this transformation, has nothing to do with mysticism or, at any rate, does not at all mean that ‘primitive’ people are unable to perceive how the empirical world operates. Such was the accusation leveled by Levy-Bruhl whom Evans-Pritchard takes to task.

Witchcraft, Evans-Pritchard points out, does not try to explain how things happen, but rather why they happen. For example, it does not try to explain how old granaries collapse, but rather why they collapse at a certain time and injure certain people. The Zande are well aware that termites eat away the foundations of granaries and that wood decays; they know that it is because of these natural causes that old granaries collapse. What they try to explain through witchcraft accusations is the timing of the event. Why should a particular granary collapse ‘at the particular moment when these particular people were sitting beneath it? Through the years it might have collapsed, so why should it fall when certain people sought its kindly shelter?’ (1937 1976). When the Zande say that it is witchcraft that caused the granary to collapse, then, it is not because they see a witch push it over; they see termites and rotten wood.

Witchcraft offers an explanation over and above natural causation, one that links the collapse of the granary with the fact that certain people were at that point in time sitting underneath it. We, EvansPritchard points out, do not have an explanation for the intersection of the two events; we say that they have independent causes and that their intersection is an accident. The Zande provide the missing link; they say that it is witchcraft.

2.3 Magic as a Symbolic Phenomenon

After Evans-Pritchard’s ground-breaking book, the notion that magic is a symbolic phenomenon, something that reflects underlying social and cultural realities rather than an irrational, mystical practice becomes the central argument in most anthropological studies. In what follows, I discuss several well-known works, beginning with Douglas’s (1966) famous analysis of pollution and taboo.

In this book, Douglas deals with the accusation that ‘primitive’ people do not make a distinction between the holy and the unclean—an accusation whose implication is that ‘primitive’ societies have a magical orientation toward the physical world; that people in these societies believe that nature is inhabited by unpredictable and often malevolent supernatural forces; and that contact with unclean things, such as menstrual blood or corpses, brings one perilously close to these forces.

Douglas’s response to this accusation is that notions of pollution and taboo are symbolic expressions of conceptual and social disorder, the idiom through which people come to terms with unclassifiable things and intractable social contradictions. Dirt, Douglas points out, is matter out of place, the inevitable outcome of every attempt to classify things and establish a conceptual grip on the world. It is the result of a universal human predicament, the need to transform chaos into a cosmos, that is, a meaningful world. Those things that do not fit our conceptual schemes and hence contradict and undermine them are everywhere designated as dirt; they become dangerous and are either suppressed or avoided. The threat is real enough, since unclassifiable things undermine our ability to construct and lead meaningful lives. At the level of culture, this danger is expressed through beliefs in pollution and defilement and concomitant rules of avoidance.

Contradictions in conceptual schemes are often reproduced in contradictions at the social level. Take, for example, the notion of sexual pollution and the related idea that it is dangerous for men to come into contact with menstrual blood. This notion, Douglas points out, is widespread among New Guinea tribes, but it is particularly pronounced among the Mae Enga. In this tribe men believe that sexual intercourse weakens male strength so that even within marriage it is reduced to the minimum necessary for procreation. This belief may appear as little more than an irrational fear, but as Douglas explains, the taboo reflects conflicts embedded in Enga society. The latter consists of exogamous clans that compete fiercely for prestige and power and are hostile to another. The exogamous clan system, however, forces men to marry outside their own clan, that is, women who come from the enemy’s camp. In their pollution beliefs and practices of sexual avoidance, then, the Enga are trying to overcome symbolically a fundamental social contradiction—building marriage and family on enmity. Less than a decade after Douglas’s book, Geertz (1973) wrote a seminal essay that was to consolidate the symbolic approach in the study of magico-religious systems. Geertz’s essay is entitled Religion and as a Cultural System but the reference to ‘religion’ should be understood to mean any metaphysical system, including magic. Indeed, Geertz’s essay is inspired by, and draws on Evans-Pritchard’s discussion of Zande witchcraft. It also draws on Max Weber’s religious sociology, but unlike the latter who was working within an evolutionary paradigm and treated magic as historically prior to religion, Geertz does not make a distinction between the two.

Geertz’s argument is that ‘religion’ is a cultural system that helps people maintain faith in the ultimate meaningfulness of life and the world. It does so by accounting for all those anomalies in human experience—paradoxes, puzzles, ambiguities—that threaten to undermine the general order of existence. There are three points, according to Geertz, where chaos, ‘a tumult of events which lack not just interpretations but interpretability’ threatens to enter into the world: at the limits of people’s ability to explain, to endure suffering, and to make sound moral judgements. Coming up against these limits time and again, Geertz (1973) points out, ‘sets ordinary human experience in a permanent context of metaphysical concern and raises the dim, back-of-the-mind suspicions that one may be adrift in an absurd world.’ It is at such difficult moments that religion intervenes and affirms the ultimate meaningfulness of the world. It does so not by denying that there is ignorance, suffering, and injustice in the world, but rather by denying that such things are intrinsic to reality—an inescapable fact of the world.

The last work to be examined is Taussig’s (1980) book The De il and Commodity Fetishism in South America. This is an interesting and influential book. Although situated within the Marxist problematic, which has been historically unreceptive to the significance of magico-religious systems, the book decisively adopts a symbolic approach. It interprets native beliefs in the devil as a means of making sense of, and resisting symbolically an alien way of life imposed on them from the outside. The book has inspired several anthropologists working in other parts of the world who developed arguments along similar lines.

In rural Colombia, Taussig points out, native people working on sugarcane plantation often enter into a secret contract with the devil. In return for their soul, the devil helps them work faster, increase their production, and hence their wages. Such contracts, however, are said to have several negative consequences. To begin with, it is said that there is no point in investing the extra money in capital goods, such as livestock or land. The money earned with the help of the devil is believed to be inherently barren: the animals will die and the land will become sterile. Moreover, those who enter into such contracts are said to die young and in pain. In short, even though people better their conditions in the short run, the long-term effects of dealing with the devil are destructive. How are these beliefs and practices to be interpreted?

The devil, Taussig argues, signifies the way in which local people are trying to come to terms with the capitalist relations of production imposed on them. It also expresses their evaluation of, and resistance to the new way of life. Having been uprooted from their ancestral homes, the local peasants are now forced into wage labor. Their traditional way of life based on reciprocity and cooperation has been displaced by the capitalist mode of production, exploitation by the landowners, and competition among themselves. It may be the case that they are now financially better off than before, but as the devil stories suggest the quality of their lives has drastically decreased. The devil is an apt symbol for expressing the new order of things.

Bibliography:

1. Douglas M 1966 Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo. Praeger, New York
2. Evans-Pritchard E E 1937 1976 Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic Among the Azande. Clarendon, Oxford, UK
3. Frazer J 1922 1950 The Golden Bough. Macmillan, New York
4. Geertz C 1973 The Interpretation of Cultures. Basic Books, New York
5. Malinowski B 1928 1954 Magic, Science and Religion and Other Essays. Doubleday Anchor Books, Garden City, NY
6. Tambiah S J 1990 Magic, Science, Religion, and the Scope of Rationality. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK
7. Taussig M 1980 The De il and Commodity Fetishism in South America. The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, NC
8. Tylor E B 1874 Primiti e Culture. Holt, New York, Vol. I