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1. Issues Of Definition
Socialist governments were formed at different times in different parts of the world: in Europe (USSR, eastern Europe), Asia (China, Cambodia, Vietnam), Africa (16 claimed to be socialist, but only Angola, Ethiopia, Mozambique qualified as Afro-Marxist regimes), and the Americas (Cuba). The term socialist is confined to a short historical period: the Soviet Union apart, it refers to the 40-year period after 1948. For the countries in the ‘South’ the period is even shorter, in the case of Cambodia from 1975 until 1989. It is doubtful that we can talk of a ‘generic socialism,’ beyond the fact that each country was characterized by the abolition of private ownership and the concentration of economic resources in the hands of the state and by the monopolization of political power in the hands of a ‘vanguard party.’ (In 1994 still only 15 percent of the population of Ethiopia lived in towns.) The term post-socialist is used to describe urban areas in societies which, until the breaching of the Berlin Wall in 1989, had been known as ‘socialist.’ At present no government, with the possible exception of China and Cuba, describes itself as ‘socialist,’ therefore socialist cities no longer exist.
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1.1 Socialist Cities?
At a formal level, if it is accepted that these were ‘real existing socialist societies,’ then their cities were by definition socialist cities—the position adopted in the Soviet Union in 1931. The more difficult question is whether or not the socialist city is qualitatively different from the city in capitalist society. Despite dissenters, the consensus is that a distinction existed (French and Hamilton 1979, Pensley 1998, Smith 1996, Szelenyi 1996). Arguably an a fortiori case exists for believing that these characteristics might be found in Russia. As the first socialist country it had the longest period in which to experiment and put its ideological principles into practice. Additionally, it compelled its first satellites in eastern Europe to adopt its model of industrial and urban development. From this point of view it would be possible to gain insights into the essence of the socialist and post-socialist city by studying the experience of the former socialist countries in Europe.
Addis Ababa is a post-socialist city as are Berlin, Beijing, Budapest, Phnom Penh, and Moscow. The capital city in both post-socialist and socialist societies is the distillery of the society’s contradictions and conflicts; it contains in hypertrophied form what is found to a much lesser extent in all other cities. The transformation of societies from being socialist to post-socialist is not a unilinear process (Grabher and Stark 1997). Neither does the transition from socialist to post-socialist city follow a clear pattern (e.g., Harloe 1996 Phe and Nishimura 1992). However, generalizations can be made about these cities in terms of their external, representational, and material form, their economic functions, and the social relationships amongst their populations.
2. Urban Form
2.1 The Symbolic, Representational Environment
The aesthetic of the socialist city in the Soviet Union before 1939 represented a triumphant proletariat in a hostile but not yet belligerent world. After 1945 that aesthetic had to include the victory in war against fascism. Thus, to the mausoleum and ubiquitous monuments to the heroes of the Great October Socialist Revolution, in particular Lenin, Marx, and Engels, were added grave, granite memorials to those who died in the titanic struggle against national socialism.
The aesthetic and symbolic representation of the post-socialist city is much more difficult to identify. Just as Soviet leaders, especially, but not only, Stalin and Khrushchev, demolished churches and did much to remove all vestiges of the tsarist past, post-socialist leaders are rebuilding cathedrals—the most classic being the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour near the Kremlin in Moscow—and removing statues to the now fallen heroes of socialism. China, too, destroyed much of the civilizational grandeur of the Imperial City in Beijing, while Cuba allowed Havana to wither (Segre et al. 1997).
Berlin, Budapest and Moscow encapsulate the characteristics of the post-socialist city. During the belle epoque their architectures expressed their countries’ imperial status and cosmopolitan air. Subsequently, architecture came to symbolize inter-war authoritarianism, the defeat of fascism, a divided world—epitomized in the divided Berlin. In contrast to the socialist city, the post-socialist city has no state decreed prototype. The socialist city, as conceived during the 1920s and 1930s based on planning and reason, would, using the most up-to-date construction materials and building technologies to erect multistorey blocks of flats, be the acme of modernism. From 1949 this was the blueprint for all socialist societies.
Now coarse granite blocks that characterised government buildings of the socialist city have been replaced by leafy atriums encased in glass, symbolically representing transparency, the current metaphor for democracy. The architectural preferences of the nou eau riche group tend to fall into two categories: either a sentimental veneration of the past and national styles, or an international orientation expressed in a pastiche and rococo post-modernism.
Changing architectural styles and usages of town squares are sound barometers of historical periods. The memorial and monument, which became popular at the turn of the twentieth century, embellished and blemished the streets, squares, and parks of towns and villages after the end of World War I, especially in the newly created, states. Ljubljana European even before the war had begun to substitute a Slovene for its German facade (Jezernik 1998). This process reached its apogee in the socialist city where a baroque Marian column, for example, was ‘relocated’ in a less visible place, while obelisks were erected to the Red Army and marble memorials were built to partisan leaders. In many post-socialist cities, these heroes of 40 years have been, if not destroyed, decapitated or mutilated, then banished from public view, in some instances to museums so that they may be reminders of the images of dictators and criminals. These acts highlight the transience not just of heroes, but also of the myths about the inhabitants’ past and who they wish or think themselves to be. The erection and removal of monuments are potent symbolic acts, which create and sustain myths and then denigrate and depose them. In the post-socialist city new buildings are themselves monuments, but less to people or events than to the new-found ideology and to the power of money. The architecture of new government buildings represents visions of the meaning and exercise of political power.
The post-socialist city celebrates three myths. The first is a ritualistic pageantry of the past, so easily portrayed in a coat of arms and the insignia of local governance that are deemed to dignify the present. Second, in keeping with contemporary Western planning theory and practice, the squares are pedestrianized and garlanded with new lamps, benches, and cafes. They are again public spaces for everyday events, not just for formal celebrations of socialist power. This is the myth of the harmonious, integrated community where everyone interacts as a free person; where the exotic and bizarre in appearance are silently applauded for their non-conformity as though these ostensible forms are a defence for everyone against socialist conformity. The third myth is that this square, which is really a circus, a place for entertainment and the consumption of material goods and pleasure, is a symbol of Europeanization or Westernization. The civic leaders of the post-socialist city bask in the sunshine of their enthusiasm for what its citizens regard as an abandonment of grayness.
The post-socialist city is cosmopolitan in theory and localist in spirit, and latently nationalist in practice. It is an arena where people learn the laws governing contracts, and the rules protecting and regulating private property. At the same time it massages into life an enemy, which for inhabitants of the socialist city was defined in terms of ‘class’ and property relations, a mode of analysis no longer acceptable. In the postsocialist city ‘the enemy’ is the alien, the stranger, the immigrant.
Berlin is distinctive from other cities in many ways, but its singular claim to uniqueness is that its postsocialist incarnation, in combining its socialist and capitalist faces in one city, should be the most visible healing of the painful rupture experienced by European nations. Ironically, however, this particular postsocialist city reveals in concentrated form the contradictions that are endemic in many of the most populous capitalist cities and which the socialist city was to have overcome. A skyline of cranes tells of a booming economy, while unemployment is at a high level; a thriving cultural and political boundary-testing artistic scene co-exists with a growing intolerance of immigrants.
2.2 The Material Environment
2.2.1 The Economy. The keystone of the new global consensus amongst governments is the privatization of public assets and of government functions and the establishment of new property rights. This policy, which is already influencing the structure and functioning of post-socialist cities, is hampered or aided by deeply ingrained regional, cultural traditions.
The economic dimension of cities most distinguishes the socialist from the post-socialist city. The socialist city was unique in that economic wealth, which the privileged enjoyed, could not be conspicuous. Second, the post-socialist city is not just shaped by the wealth of an indigenous bourgeoisie, but also by foreign capital invested in real estate. This critical difference between the socialist and post-socialist city is already visible in three processes; the gentrification of parts of the central city, the creation of a central business district and more luxurious shopping centers, and an influx and visible presence of foreign migrants.
Cities are shaped by movements of capital. In the main, the protective walls which surrounded socialist cities have been pulled down. Previously, in theory but also to a certain extent in practice, cities had planned economic relations with one another as part of a regional, national, and international division of labor. Post-socialist cities are in competition with each other and increasingly subjected to global competition. One aspect of globalization is the attraction of tourists. Only a small proportion of post-socialist cities have a real potential to make this a source of local economic development. More importantly, globalization accelerates attempts to commodify a city’s history and culture, which is achievable largely through its sanitization and its conceptual Warholization and material McDonaldization. Globalization has also helped to accelerate the growth of the criminal economy, which is shaping the urban morphology, most visibly (especially in capital cities) in private financial institutions and shopping malls. A number of post-socialist cities, mainly, but not only, capitals (Moscow, Almaty, Berlin, Sofia, Shanghai, Phnom Penh) have become centers for the consumption and transhipment of heroin and other drugs, for trade in illegal immigrants and prostitutes, and for smuggling.
Organized crime and corruption are pervasive but particularly evident in the largest cities. In some countries there is virtually no sphere of revenue generating activity (including charities) which has not been visited by extortionists (‘insurance brokers’). In the space of a decade gangs of extortionists have evolved into ‘enforcement partners.’ Before signing business contracts, companies acquire information about each other’s enforcement partners. Only if the enforcement partners have recognized each other and given mutual guarantees will the contract with all its formal juridical and business attributes be signed.
Whereas the socialist city was characterized by a manufacturing profile with a grossly underdeveloped service sector, the post-socialist city is dominated, at both extremes of the class spectrum, by trading and the provision of services. Both the indigenous and foreign elites have generated a demand for casinos, restaurants, night clubs, and other leisure facilities. This stimulates the local economy, creates new forms of labor market stratification and, with the commodification of land, speculation in real estate. In Cambodia the overnight transfer of state housing into private ownership in 1989 presented local government officials with a golden opportunity, of which they availed themselves, to sell off public land.
2.2.2 Land Reform. Land nationalization was central to the twentieth century socialist (agrarian) revolutions. Guided by an idea of social justice it addressed issues of exploitative landlord–peasant relationships, rural poverty and land hunger and the contrast between the housing standards of rich and poor city dwellers. The state allocated land to publicly owned enterprises and institutions, free of charge and for use in perpetuity. No value was imputed to the location of the land. Since in most cases land was not in short supply, organizations applying to the state for plots asked for and received more than they required. The bundle of de jure use rights enjoyed by individuals and juridical entities varied from country to country, but in no case were they able to dispose of land, even of that which was surplus to their requirements. Yet, at the same time, land users behaved as though they were powerful, private owners, with the result that detailed building and zoning regulations were frequently neglected or ignored.
The land reforms that have accompanied change at the end of the century have been guided by no such ideal of justice, but are regarded as an obligatory component in the process of privatization and the establishment of a market economy. While one of the defining features of the socialist city was the state expropriation and nationalization of land, the defining feature of the post-socialist society is the returning of land and property to private ownership. This includes the return to the former owners all forms of property, including agricultural land and urban real estate. This process of restitution constitutes one of the thorniest of problems faced by governments and societies. Countries have approached both the general policy of privatization and the specificity of restitution differently (Strong et al. 1996)
In the first case, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and China are among the firmly against land privatization, while in Russia a minority of the population favors the unrestricted buying and selling of land. And, even in countries where it is legal this has not necessarily meant the formation of a functioning land market. These policies are coming under pressure from external sources, with the European Union in 1999 declaring its opposition to requests from prospective membership candidates (such as the Czech Republic and Hungary) to continue their restrictions on foreign ownership of land. Through the selling of restituted buildings to banks and private companies and the conversion of more substantial houses into luxury flats, shops, and restaurants, restitution plays a distinct role in the stratification and shaping of postsocialist cities.
2.2.3 Housing. The interplay of a variety of factors, primarily the ideological imperative to develop industry rapidly, bequeathed highly polluted and degraded environments to post-socialist cities. The use of less polluting fuels and the introduction of further legislation enforcing air quality control in the 1980s and then the dramatic fall in industrial output in the 1990s combined to reduce stationary sources of air pollution. On the other land, air pollution has increased as a result of the rapid rise in private car ownership and the poor quality of fuel available (Shahgedanova et al. 1999). Thus, there has been a compensatory rise in vehicular pollution, especially carbon monoxide discharge, which is most marked in the economically successful post-socialist cities. Thus, while the sources of pollution are changing, the general level remains the same.
Although the housing stock in socialist societies varied considerably in terms of ownership and physical structure, socialist housing policy rested on two principles: that no-one should draw an unearned income from renting space and that households should not enjoy the use of housing space above a certain, administratively defined norm. Larger properties belonging to more affluent citizens were taken into public ownership and then subdivided and leased at low rents. In most countries state agencies commissioned and financed new building, which they then allocated.
In 1988 the governments of the two largest socialist systems, China and the USSR, introduced legislation designed to transform housing policy. They signalled that rents in the public sector would have to rise and encouraged sitting tenants to buy their homes. In doing so they prepared the ground for the postsocialist city, one of whose defining features is the absolute right of the owner-occupier to dispose of property. The system of targeted housing allowances and the gradual introduction of market-level (or at least cost-covering) rents that is being introduced, is intended over time to make owner-occupation more appealing. This is unlikely to happen until there have been substantial increases in real incomes. The availability of construction materials on the market has meant an expansion in self-build. This not only augments the supply of housing but can also be used to generate income through (sub-)letting. Generally, however, social housing will, in one form or another, play an important role for the foreseeable future (Wang and Murie 1999).
Such has been the importance attached by some governments to the commercial housing sector as a powerful motor to drive the economy and urban development that, in China for instance, many of the ‘private’ developers are either outright public organizations or government–private partnerships. In many post-socialist societies, the decline in the role and authority of the central state has been accomplished by a growth in local government bureaucracies. But the parvenu princelings in the cities and provinces, who now have greater tax-raising powers, nonetheless lack the financial capacity to fulfil the functions devolved to them, which has meant a much-reduced expenditure on the technical and social infrastructure.
2.2.4 Real Estate Markets. One of the most defining and visible features of the post-socialist city has been the property boom and the proliferation of real estate agents, unknown in the socialist city. Requiring a minimum of knowledge and finance to be established, real estate agencies have proliferated in most post-socialist cities (and provided another lucrative source of income for organized crime). The immediate force driving the urban economy and responsible for transforming the class structure has been the buying, selling, renting, and construction of real estate. Its development is hampered by the fact that, after a decade of scandals associated with pyramid and other ‘banking’ schemes, individuals are wary of investing savings in private banks so that a mortgaging system is either totally absent or only in its infancy.
While much of the apparatus of town planning and building, with its institutional rhythms, careers, and entrenched interests, remains intact and ensures that the movement away from high-rise construction, based on the use of prefabricated units and the mass production of standardized parts, will take time, corruptible politicians and impotent and impoverished officials oversee the making of visual urban chaos.
Currently, a challenge is being mounted (from within the European Union) against the decade-long hegemony of the USA in the debate over the role of markets in housing and land (as expressed in Stryuk 1996 (Urban Institute, Washington), Bertaud and Rehaud 1997 (World Bank).
3. Social Relations In The Post-Socialist City
3.1 Population
The war-ravaged societies, principally in the ‘South,’ have created demographically imbalanced cities. In Phnom Penh, 29 percent of households are headed by women. In Moscow, too, because of higher male mortality rates, women predominate. The average age is considerably higher in the cities of some countries, while in others the urban population is much younger. One visible sign of the gender imbalance is the greater presence on the streets of women engaging in petty trading or begging.
Radical transformations of society are accompanied by population movements and new residential configurations. The Soviet Union used an internal passport (propiska) system to regulate population flows into metropolitan and other large cities and to control their demographic and ethnic composition. After 1945 this method of control was exported as part of its ‘administration package’ to countries which adopted the Marxist model of development. Some post-socialist cities, notably Moscow, illegally retain it as an instrument of social control. Urban residents’ associations in Ethiopia continue to regulate movement into their territories.
3.2 The Wealthy
Post-socialist societies have created a class of nouveau riche, who differ from elites under the previous system by an ostentatious display of their wealth status, especially through the universal symbols of home and private car, both of which make their mark on the shape of, and life in, the post-socialist city. Accommodation for elites under socialism was distinguished by the following features. First, elites lived in the city not out of town and had access to (but did not own) a country villa. Second, they did not live in socially exclusive enclaves, neither, third, did they live close to foreigners. This is in direct contrast to elite districts in post-socialist cities. Members of the new, privileged indigenous elite live in close proximity to foreigners often on small estates consisting of low-rise, detached housing surrounded by walls or fences covered by closed circuit television.
Views differ on the extent to which social segregation could be found in socialist cities (Szelenyi 1996; Prawelska-Skrzypek 1988; Dangschat 1987, Hamilton 1993, Weclawowicz 1992). The market economy of the post-socialist city intensifies any existing tendencies to segregation through the processes of gentrification and suburbanization. In the first case, a location in or near the city center, in buildings erected for prosperous families prior to the country’s socialist revolution, is attractive to a variety of social groups. Alongside the modernization of old buildings is the construction of prestige housing and of retail and office space.
The arrival of international organizations has created an additional demand for higher quality housing to rent and purchase. The subsequent rise in the price of housing sometimes leads to the displacement of the local population and a reduction in density as pre-socialist residential buildings in Phnom Penh and Prague changed from multifamily to single-family occupation.
Suburbanization was described and denigrated as an anarchic, capitalist-driven sprawl associated with low-rise, single-family dwellings. Now, from Berlin to Moscow to Almaty to Beijing the flight of the rich to suburban and ex-urban settlements, usually along the main arterial routes, has begun in earnest. This development has been greatly assisted by the growth in car ownership. Both processes put pressure on protective green belts and invade parkland within cities.
3.3 Marginal Groups
In socialist cities apart from gypsies against whom sanctions were not strictly applied or were ineffectual, begging was unknown. Work was available for the able-bodied: for the elderly there were pensions which could be supplemented by other legal activities and the state provided for other ‘vulnerable’ groups, such as orphans and handicapped people. In the 1960s existing anti-parasite legislation was strengthened to deal with begging and vagrancy, described as anti-social(ist) behavior. As soon as the socialist city transmogrified into the post-socialist city begging, street children, and homelessness appeared as features of the urban landscape (Andrusz 1998, Lugalla and Mbwambo 1999). However, it is doubtful that in cities of less developed countries (such as Dar-es-Salaam and Phnom Penh) where—as South, post-socialist cities, public hygiene, especially the disposal of sewage and solid waste generally, and the provision of clean drinking and washing water remain the key issues—such groups are a wholly new phenomenon, although their numbers have increased. In the ‘South,’ the vast majority of street children come from the countryside, have inhabited the streets for a longer period, and have received no education at all. Their families of origin are much larger and very frequently polygamous and the mothers illiterate.
Socialist cities had their quotas of materially deprived and vulnerable groups, alcoholics, vagrants, and homeless people. But, unlike in post-socialist cities, they were rarely seen or talked about and did not form pressure groups or demonstrate.
Since, ideologically, such groups could not exist, neither did the organizations to help them; when they did appear the agents of social control dealt with them under the appropriate anti-parasite legislation. Today the visible presence of large numbers of dispossessed people has led to the establishment of a statutory and non governmental framework to address the situation of these individuals. However, even where statutory regulations exist, they are frequently not implemented. The institutional and ideological legacy has ensured that the law enforcement agencies continue to pursue a policy of harassment, intimidation, and abuse of position towards members of these groups. With the help of intergovernmental aid agencies and Western philanthropy, indigenous voluntary organizations are advocating that a more humane and positive approach be taken. But, in societies where most people are, or perceive themselves to be, suffering a deterioration in their standard of living, there is little public sympathy for beggars and special pleading indigents.
Another visible feature of the post-socialist city is that of the completed, but uninhabited luxury housing development, where supply has exceeded demand both because of the high asking price and because either the purchaser does not have the right to acquire the freehold or the period of the lease is too short. At the other end of the housing spectrum are the equally new phenomena of squatting and homelessness. The transition from socialist to post-socialist was quintessentially represented for a brief moment during perestroika when part of the space between the Hotel Rossiya and Red Square in Moscow was squatted by homeless people. The unplanned use of land reaches it apogee with squatter settlements in and around Asian and African post-socialist cities. In 1994, up to 15 percent of the population in Phnom Penh was living in such settlements.
Uninhabited, privately constructed, luxury housing on the one hand, and homelessness and squatting on the other, are features of post-socialist cities that were unknown in socialist cities.
4. Conclusion
The post-socialist city is a transparent city. Prostitution and poverty existed in St. Petersburg, Budapest, Beijing, and Havana. The ideology of socialism drew down a curtain on the urban stage concealing and reducing, but not eradicating social phenomena which the system decreed should not exist. It also banished the prosperous and powerful behind grey urban facades or to sylvan retreats. One of the imperatives of capitalism is that the homeless should be seen, disadvantaged groups should be allowed to express and demonstratively broadcast the inequities of their status, and the rich should parade their wealth.
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