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In Western societies, women are more religious than men on every measure of religiosity. Why this should be has attracted the sporadic attention of clergy, sociologists and psychologists, but it has never been a major interest of either sociologists of religion or feminists. The sociology of religion has only belatedly included gender on its agenda (Woodhead 2000). Feminists have been more concerned with why there are so few women in the priesthood than with why there are so many in the pews. They have also been concerned with documenting the historical anti-women stance of Christianity, the pre-Christian spirituality of women, and the spirituality of hitherto ignored but highly gifted individuals, rather than documenting the ordinary religiosity of millions of churchgoing women. Feminist theories that religion is bad for women need to come to terms with, but in fact often ignore, women’s opting for formal religion in greater numbers than men. This article reviews the possible explanations for women’s greater religiosity, focusing particularly on mainline churchgoing in the west in the twentieth century. More detailed reviews may be found in Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle (1996, Chap. 8), Francis (1997), and Walter and Davie (1998).
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1. Data
Whether it is a matter of churchgoing, private prayer, or the content of religious belief, women appear more religious than men, and have been for at least 200 years (Douglas 1978). Within Western Christianity, mainline churches demonstrate the greatest fall-off in attendance by men; independent, Pentecostal and Orthodox churches have been able to resist the trend. The extent to which secularization is caused by men reducing religious observance more than women varies by country (Woodhead 2000).
The dimension of religious life where the difference between women and men is biggest is private devotion—prayer and Bible reading. This raises the question whether men engage in religious practices when they are publicly acceptable or even required, but tend not to bother with private devotions when there is no social pressure. It is possible that secularization, defined as the decline in the social importance of religion, tends at the same time to lead to religion’s feminization. Islam and Judaism, in which religion is still part of public life, involve men more than women in public worship.
Independent of degree of belief, what men and women believe differs. Women, if they are asked to describe the God in whom they believe, concentrate rather more on a God of love, comfort, and forgiveness, while men tend to refer to a God of power, planning, and control. How can such differences be explained?
1.1 Material And Social Deprivation
Neo-Marxist deprivation / compensation theories see religion as a way in which oppressed people cope with their misery and suffering. If, as feminists argue, women are more oppressed than men, we would expect more women than men to turn to religion. There certainly are examples of this, especially in the early periods of industrialization both historically in the West and in currently industrializing societies. In advanced industrial societies, however, there is less evidence for this theory of female religiosity, churchgoing being related to parenthood and employment status rather than to measurable indices of gendered deprivation.
1.2 Lack Of Status
Women’s systematic exclusion from better paid jobs, from political office, and from other parts of the public world has reduced their social status. Christianity’s proclamation that God loves every individual equally may be more immediately attractive to those who are not accorded respect in society. Once inside the church, however, women may find themselves even more deprived of status and power vis-a-vis male members. Yet women remain in greater numbers than men. Ozorak (1996) found that many women valued their churches for the social and emotional support which existed irrespective of their exclusion from formal power; for those more concerned with connection and relationship than with hierarchy and power, the female fellowship of the church empowered them even though the office-holding men monopolized the glory.
Conservative churches and synagogues that emphasize traditional gender roles within the family appeal to many women: they provide status for the wife and mother, and provide hope that conversion may turn their menfolk into responsible husbands and fathers. This is no mean attraction for a woman struggling to rear a family in the slums of a newly industrializing city, whether she be a Methodist in Manchester in 1800 or a Pentecostal in Sao Paolo in 2000.
1.3 Guilt
A number of psychological studies show that women experience more guilt feelings than men. If one of the main purposes of Christianity is to assuage guilt, then we would expect it to attract those who feel a need for forgiveness. Some churches actively foster guilt feelings, which they then offer to resolve. Churches have often portrayed women as more guilty, more profane, than men. Insofar as Christianity induces guilt, we may say that religion not only compensates for a societally created deprivation of status and self-respect, but actually fosters the very deprivation that it then compensates for. This is perhaps the nearest to a feminist theory of why women should be attracted to a religion that oppresses them. Though there is plenty of historical evidence of this kind of process, some recent studies have not found that contemporary churchgoers have high levels of guilt.
1.4 Birth And Child-Rearing
Christian faith is supposed to provide comfort against anxiety and existential terror; psychological studies point out that women generally have higher levels of fear than men. This could be related to their more direct involvement in the inherently scary businesses of birth and death and their day-to-day responsibility for child rearing. Men have comparable familiarity with sickness and death only on active service during wartime—a time when they too are more likely to turn to religion. What motherhood does for women, perhaps only war can do for men?
There have been very few studies into the spirituality of childbirth, so it is too early to say whether experiencing the ‘miracle’ of birth accounts in part for female religiosity. Much more research has been done into religiosity in relation to childrearing. The general pattern is that having children to look after raises men to the religious level of women; it is possible that the vulnerability and dependency of young children raises religious issues that men can normally avoid. It is therefore parenthood, not motherhood, that raises questions of existential anxiety and a desire to involve children in religion.
1.5 Workforce Participation
A major thread in theories of secularization is that the more people are immersed in the institutions of modernity, notably by working for bureaucratic and/or capitalist organizations, the more secular they are likely to become. Women who stay at home are therefore protected from the secularizing influence of the modern marketplace. This hypothesis (classically formulated by Luckmann) has led to a number of empirical surveys aiming to determine whether, and if so why, women who go out to work are less religious than those who stay at home.
The findings of these studies vary by country. Taking a paid job in, for example, Australia where there is a secular ethos in the workplace is likely to have a more secularizing effect than taking a job in the American bible belt. Since both data and hypotheses remain inconclusive, a constructive avenue of research might be to look at the type of paid work done by women. Women’s paid work is far more likely than men’s to be of a caring nature, involving skill in interpersonal relations and ‘emotional labor.’ If what protects women (and some men) from the secularity of modernity is not family life but interpersonal care, then those employees engaged in caring work should be compared with those engaged in other kinds of work. If research were to confirm that women paid to care are more religious than those paid to do other things we would still be left with a puzzle: are they more religious because the caring nature of the work protects them from secularity, or do they enter caring work because they were more religious to start with?
1.6 An Ethic Of Connection
Gilligan (1982) considers that women operate according to a flexible ethic of compassion and connection rather than abstract justice. Woodhead (2000) has used this insight to critique the ‘privatization thesis,’ namely that in an alienating, plural modern world, people retreat to the private sphere where they find identity, meaning, and … religion. She suggests that this thesis makes sense from a male perspective, but women are less involved in the alienating public sphere. For them, religion has less to do with providing meaning and more to do with articulating the social relationships that are so important to their lives. Traditional churches do this by encouraging the family, but they can also encourage other kinds of relationships. A religion whose founder emphasized love and compassion is more likely to appeal to Gilligan’s women. Indeed, male clergy have often struggled to make Jesus appeal to macho men. Their concern finds an echo in Thompson’s (1991) finding that what is correlated with Christian religiosity is not census-bureau gender but a ‘feminine’ worldview, that is, one that is affectionate, sympathetic, sensitive to the needs of others, eager to soothe another’s feelings, tender, and loving toward children.
1.7 Death
The extent to which religion is a way of helping humans deal with death has been extensively debated. What is clear is that women encounter death disproportionately as carers, and also as mourners. In the times of high infant mortality, women may have been more affected than their husbands by the deaths of their children, though men were more likely than women to lose a spouse—as nineteenth century gravestones bear ample witness. Today, with women living longer than men and marrying younger than them, wives are very likely to outlive their husbands. Spousal bereavement is now a much more common experience for women than for men. Whether or not this helps to explain women’s greater religiosity, it seems very likely to lie at the root of the most common form of afterlife belief in the modern West, namely a belief in reunion with loved family members. Women who place a high value on personal relationships are unlikely to give them up when death intervenes, and this may possibly account for women being more likely than men to experience the presence of one who is dead.
Insofar as St Paul is correct that life after death is central to Christianity, and insofar as women have a greater interest in there being life after death, we may postulate that some women’s religiosity may be rooted in their experience of death and bereavement. On the other hand, it may be the other way around—that more women than men believe in life after death simply because of their general religiosity.
Bibliography:
- Beit-Hallahmi B, Argyle M 1996 The Psychology of Religious Behaviour, Belief and Experience. Routledge, London
- Douglas A 1978 The Feminization of American Religion. Alfred Knopf, New York
- Francis L 1997 The psychology of gender differences in religion: A review of empirical research. Religion 27: 81–96
- Gilligan C 1982 In A Different Voice. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA
- Ozorak E 1996 The power but not the glory: How women empower themselves through religion. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 35: 17–29
- Thompson E 1991 Beneath the status characteristics: Gender variations in religiousness. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 30: 381–94
- Walter T, Davie G 1998 The religiosity of women in the modern West. British Journal of Sociology 49: 640–60
- Woodhead L 2000 Feminism and the sociology of religion: From gender-blindness to gendered difference. In: Fenn R (ed.) The Blackwell Companion to the Sociology of Religion. Blackwell, Oxford, UK