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Youth culture refers to the cultural practice of members of this age group by which they express their identities and demonstrate their sense of belonging to a particular group of young people. The formation of youth culture thus implies boundary drawing. Both the youth culture’s distinction from mainstream (adult) culture and its internal coherence help define the members’ personal identity and enhance feelings of belonging. With the extension of the life stage ‘youth’ in the later decades of the twentieth century (Buchmann 1989), the boundaries of youth as an age group have been increasingly blurred. The issue of what constitutes authentic and autonomous cultural expressions of youth (as opposed to the mainstream adult cultural practice) has therefore become more complex. Likewise, the internal differentiation of juvenile cultural practice and the proliferation of youth cultures from the late twentieth century raise the question of the relationship between structural location, socialization, and cultural practice. After a brief history of the concept and the presentation of the major theoretical currents, these issues will be discussed.
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1. A Brief History Of The Concept
The notion of youth culture dates back to the start of the twentieth century. With the development of youth movements in Germany, such as the Wander ogel, representatives of the so-called Reformpadagogik noticed the distinct ways of cultural articulation shown by this group of young people, for which they coined the term ‘youth culture.’ The juvenile cultural orientations and styles of behavior were interpreted as signs of authentic and autonomous cultural practices. This fundamental issue—whether the social group of youth may be characterized by a common authentic lifestyle developed within the self-defined community of peers— would accompany the theoretical debates within the sociology of youth over large stretches of the twentieth century. The first input to this scientific discourse can be traced back to the 1920s, when researchers from the Chicago School of sociology engaged in many empirical studies on criminal milieux, especially on delinquent youth groups (e.g., Sutherland 1924). Detailed investigation of groups of juvenile delinquents revealed similarities in their outlook on life, values, and styles of behavior. To characterize these commonalities, the notion of youth culture was introduced into the scientific literature. But it was not until the 1940s that juvenile cultural practices would be conceived of explicitly in terms of a subculture (Hollingshead 1949). The use of this concept implied, first, the assumption that there is global cultural differentiation between youth and the dominant (adult) society, and, second, the idea of the strong internal coherence of juvenile cultural expressions.
2. The Cultural Differentiation Of Youth From Adult Society
The two basic assumptions of the early conceptions of youth culture mentioned above can be linked to two influential theoretical traditions within sociology. The first refers to Mannheim’s concept of generation (Mannheim [1928] 1997). The second theoretical tradition, linked especially to the name of Eisenstadt (1956), focuses on the peculiarities of the transition between age groups within modern society and related questions of socialization.
2.1 The Legacy Of Mannheim’s Concept Of Generation
Even popular conceptions of youth, especially those advanced by the mass media in the second half of the twentieth century, would often refer to the concept of generation to characterize a juvenile way of life. Descriptions of youth, such as the ‘68 generation,’ the ‘beat generation,’ the ‘no-future generation,’ or the latest version of ‘generation X’ document the attractiveness of this concept.
The major input to the scientific debate on generations goes back to Mannheim ([1928] 1997) who developed the generational approach. Mannheim maintains that the formation of a generation is most likely to occur during the life stage of adolescence. During these formative years, the experience of social circumstances and historical events will have especially profound and long-lasting effects. However, the common location in the historical processes, or the generation location (Generationslagerung), is not sufficient for the formation of a generation as an actuality. Although the common location in history provides access to a specific range of potential experiences, the generation as actuality (Generationszusammenhang) presupposes the ‘participation in the common destiny of this historical and social unit’ (Mannheim [1928] 1997, p. 46 [Mannheim’s emphasis]). Mannheim acknowledges the possibility that groups of youths exposed to the same generation location may ‘work up the material of their common experiences in different specific ways’ (Mannheim [1928] 1997, p. 47 [Mannheim’s emphasis]). Hence, these groups constitute separate generation units (Generationseinheit). Mannheim’s approach has provided two major theoretical contributions to the sociology of youth culture. The first input is the conceptualization of generations in relation to social processes and historical events as opposed to biological age boundaries. The second insight relates to differences in the ways in which young people within the same generation location cope with their common experiences and thus develop different cultural orientations and styles of behavior. Unfortunately, much of the empirically oriented research on youth culture in the second half of the twentieth century, while incorporating the concept of generation, did not make use of Mannheim’s fine distinctions.
2.2 The Role Of The Juvenile Subculture In The Transition To Adulthood
In Mannheim’s theoretical frame, the role of socialization processes in adolescence is related to the profound and long-lasting effects of historical events. By contrast, structural functionalism as developed by Parsons and further elaborated by Eisenstadt (1956) focuses on the role of age-homogeneous groups (peer groups) as agents of socialization. According to structural–functional theory, these groups fulfill the function of facilitating the young people’s transition to adulthood in modern society. In order to become full members of modern society (i.e., adults), adolescents must undergo a fundamental reorientation. As children, they are predominantly integrated into the family, a sphere of social participation characterized by particularistic relations. The positions and roles in this action sphere are mostly ascribed, and behaviors are scarcely evaluated on the basis of achieved criteria.
In the adult world, however, the range of social participation is much broader, demanding much more elaborate action capacities. Moreover, most spheres of social participation are structured according to universalistic principles. Action outcomes are therefore attributed to individual competencies. In this context, formal and informal age-homogeneous groups of youths may be regarded as ‘interlinking spheres’ helping to bridge the gap between the demands of the children’s world and those of the adult world. Norms and values predominant in peer groups usually show a specific combination of particularistic, as well as universalistic, elements. Hence, participation in peer groups and their culture provides a great opportunity for juveniles gradually to acquire action competencies compatible with universalistic principles. Given the relative absence of direct social control by adults, agehomogeneous groups provide a social space in which autonomous and self-responsible action patterns may be learned without being immediately exposed to adult sanctions. The flipside of such a sanction-free space may be the development of peer cultures that are in more or less stark contrast to the norms and values of the adult world.
Against this background, theoretical thinking about youth culture in the 1950s and early 1960s was largely dominated by the idea that youth as a social group adheres to common values, goals, and behaviors distinct from those of the adult world. Most influential in this respect was the work by James Coleman (1961), who described the independence, the internal homogeneity and coherence of the world of youth, for which he coined the term ‘peer culture.’ Empirical evidence, however, did not support the global differentiation of youth culture from that of the dominant (adult) society. Various forms and styles of juvenile cultural expression have always existed, displaying some common elements. With the onset of the general critique of structural functionalism within sociology, the focus on the functional necessity of adolescents’ orientation towards peers and their culture gradually faded and gave way to theoretical thinking that paid greater attention to the internal differentiation of youth culture.
3. The Structure Of Social Inequality In Modern Society And Class-Specific Youth Cultures
The reorientation within the sociology of youth culture became especially evident with the research conducted at the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) in Birmingham, UK (Hall and Jefferson 1975, Willis 1990). Although the concept of subculture remained essential to their understanding of juvenile cultural expressions, this research tradition not only linked it to the dimension of age (generation), but also stressed the connection to the dimension of social inequality, in particular to social class. Within this theoretical framework, juvenile subcultures are regarded as the outcome of class-specific socialization processes. Hence, youth culture is internally differentiated and, most likely, several youth cultures coexist at any given period of time within modern society. The CCCS model assumes that the cultural sphere of modern society is made up of two independent cultures, hierarchically related to each other. The bourgeois culture is the dominant one and the working class culture is the discriminated one. Within these cultural entities, differentiation by age, ethnicity, and sex may occur. The differentiated subcultures show a varying degree of overlap with the superordinate culture, incorporating common, as well as distinct, cultural elements. Moreover, they are characterized by relatively high internal consistency and relative stability, encompassing all life spheres.
Theoretically, the aforementioned characteristics of subcultures are linked to socialization processes. As members of a particular social class, individuals learn the class-specific cultural repertoire and become equipped with particular resources, with which they try to solve the problems of daily life. Given the multiplicity of membership in modern society (e.g., class, gender, age), particular tasks may occur that demand new ways of coping. With respect to the age group of youth, juveniles have to cope with their indeterminate social position—no longer children, yet not full adults. This particular social situation predisposes them to invent cultural practices that help them to define who they are (i.e., identity construction) and to develop social bonds and a sense of belonging. In this influential theoretical tradition, juvenile subcultures are interpreted as class-specific answers to the particular demands of the life stage ‘youth.’ Although all young people are confronted with these demands, the social milieu greatly determines the material and symbolic resources available to them, thus resulting in class-specific cultural practice.
4. Structural And Cultural Change Within Late Modern Society: Youth Cultures As Youth Styles
The basic assumption of the cultural model developed by the researchers of the CCCS maintained that the precise social location was essential to the definition of juvenile subcultures. The cultural practice of youth was conceived to be the symbolic expression of their social existence. Observers of youth culture in the 1980s noticed, however, the proliferation of juvenile cultural expressions characterized by a looser coupling with young people’s social positions (Cavalli and Galland 1995, Chisholm et al. 1995, Thornton 1996). The weakening of the linkage between social location and cultural practice, furthermore, was accompanied by the growing importance of the element of style in young people’s cultural expressions, i.e., the expressive and esthetic presentation of one’s identity and social belonging.
Although the research tradition of the CCCS, focusing on class-specific differentiation of youth cultures, paid particular attention to the element of style (Hebdige 1979), the full meaning of style as the main ingredient of youth culture was not yet recognized. In this tradition, style was conceived mainly to be a particular means by which the unresolved problems and contradictions inherent in the respective adult class cultures could be expressed symbolically. More recent conceptions of the role of style in youth culture stress the intricate relations to several structural changes within late modern society. In particular, three facets of social change have been identified: first, the growing structural differentiation, resulting in the blurring of age boundaries and the changing significance of social standing; second, the increasing importance of the social sphere of leisure; and third, the role of the media in constructing and disseminating symbols of youth style. The three facets of social change and their implications for juvenile cultural practice are discussed below.
Although still hotly debated, social change in late modern society has been associated with the growing differentiation of the system of social inequality and the concomitant diversification of individual life course patterns (Buchmann 1989). Advocates of this view link these changes to the expansion of the educational system, which provided access to mediumlevel and higher education for the broader masses. The profound changes within the institution of education resulted in a substantial extension of the life stage ‘youth,’ and especially in the blurring of age boundaries between youth and adulthood (Buchmann 1989). The massive expansion of the welfare state is regarded as another major element of these changes, making life less dependent on the family. With the broad application of information and communication technologies, profound changes in the economy and the labor market occurred, transforming work roles and occupational careers. Hence, the pathways from school to work, the major role and status change in the transition to adulthood, became increasingly diverse. Under conditions of increasingly differentiated social positions and life course patterns, the ways in which individuals express their identities and demonstrate their sense of belonging is affected as well. The quasiautomatic integration into social milieux and collectivities can no longer be taken for granted. Rather, the individual’s identity and his or her group membership become more dependent on action capacities and competencies. Cultural practices, especially those including stylistic elements, therefore advance to particularly suitable means to symbolically present one’s self and express one’s social affiliation. Hence, juvenile cultural practice crystallizes into particular youth styles.
The structural transformation of late modern society described above also brought about a shift in the relevance of various spheres of life. In particular, the social sphere of leisure became much more important, both as an element of lifestyle and as a means of cultural distinction. Characterized by a strong component of social visibility, leisure-time activities provide ample opportunities to satisfy the needs of the expressive and esthetic presentation of one’s self and one’s social belonging. With regard to youth especially, cultural practices such as music, dancing, movies, visual arts (e.g., comics), particular sports (e.g., skateboarding), and fashion (e.g., clothing and hairstyles) are preferred means of expressing a distinct way of life that is recognized by others as a sign and signal of a particular identity and group membership (Austin and Willard 1998, Danesi 1994, Epstein 1998). In fact, late twentieth early twenty-first century youth cultures are mostly integrated into leisure time and oriented toward mass media and consumption. They are to a large degree leisure styles. The heterogeneity of juvenile cultural scenes and styles observed at the beginning of the twenty-first century can be attributed both to increasing degrees of freedom in the individual’s scope of action, due to the structural changes in late modern society discussed above, and the great abundance of cultural materials provided in the sphere of leisure. According to the particular needs of social representation, young people may assemble and reassemble stylistic elements of various origins in ever new ways to form distinct styles of juvenile cultural practice.
For the swift circulation and dissemination of the cultural signals of youth styles, media and computer culture play an ever greater role (Kellner 1994). The formation of youth styles and scenes may be regarded as an interactive process with the media. Styles for clothing and hair generated in informal groups of youths, for example, are often quickly appropriated by the media and the market, and turned into fads and fashion. As a result, larger segments of youth may get the opportunity to participate in this style, thus contributing to its dissemination. And, vice versa, cultural materials provided by the media may be appropriated and reinterpreted by young people and utilized in the construction of juvenile styles. The mutual appropriation and simultaneous transformation of cultural signs and signals by groups of young people and the media is the major reason for the rapid fluctuation and swift turnover of youth styles at the beginning of the twenty-first century. As soon as juvenile cultural expressions have become integrated into the mainstream (adult) cultural world, they can no longer serve as means of cultural distinction. However, this is essential for presenting one’s identity and expressing a sense of belonging to a particular group of youth.
5. Future Directions In The Sociology Of Youth Cultures
Scholars of youth culture agree that in recent years the field has been dominated by detailed descriptive studies of the proliferating forms of juvenile cultural expressions. As valuable as these studies are for gaining insights into contemporary juvenile cultural orientations and styles of behavior, theoretically based issues and matters should again become more prominent in future research. To date, it is largely unknown which structural or cultural factors are responsible for the predominance of class-related juvenile cultural expressions and, vice versa, for the predominance of generation-related juvenile cultural styles. Furthermore, the impact of juvenile cultural innovations on cultural change in society at large remains largely unknown. Likewise, the role of the media in the construction, dissemination, and appropriation of juvenile lifestyles is not well understood.
References:
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